Robert Alonso

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Robert Alonso (born August 23, 1950) is an American-Cuban-Venezuelan writer, editor, TV producer and right-wing activist and political refugee in the United States since 2004.[1][2][non-primary source needed]

Robert Alonso

Early life[edit]

Robert Alonso was born in the city of Cienfuegos, Cuba.  In 1961, at the age of 11 years old, he escaped Cuba with his family: his father Ricardo, his mother Conchita, his brother Ricardo Jose and his sister Maria Conchita.  The Alonso family established in Venezuela.[1][3]

In 1962 his parents sent him to study in Washington State where he lived with his "American Family": The Loshes.  He studied at "Deer Park High School", in Deer Park, Washington and business administration at "Kinman Business University"[4] in Spokane, Washington. He moved to Germany, where he studied film and TV production in the "Hochschule Für Fernsehen und Film" and journalism at the "University of Aberdeen", in Scotland.[5]

Family[edit]

His wealthy father Ricardo who prospered under the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, founded an automobile financing company in Cuba which became the competitor of General Motors Acceptance Corporation in the Caribbean islands.[5] 

Books & Publications[edit]

Robert Alonso has written and published seven books: "Regresando del Mar de la Felicidad" ("Returning from the Sea of Hapiness"), "Memorias de Cienfuegos" ("Memories of Cienfuegos"), "Los Evangelicos" ("The Evangelics"),[6] "Los Generales de Castro" ("Castro's Generals),[7] "Como se Perdio Venezuela" ("How Venezuela Was Lost"),[8] "Estafa Doble y Agravada" ("Double and Aggravated Scam")[9] and "Why We Are About to Lose The United States of America to the Claws of Fabianism".[10] He was the director of the weekly Venezuelan newspaper in Miami, "Venezuela Sin Mordaza",[1] as well as the founder and editor of "Revista Venezuela".[11][2] He has written and published hundreds of essays[12] and produced thousands of clips, videos and documentaries published on social networks or on his website: "Robert Alonso Presenta".[13]

TV Production[edit]

Alonso worked as TV producer in Radio Caracas Television (Venezuela), Venezolana de Television (Venezuela) and WAPA TV (Puerto Rico).  In 1984 he established his own TV production company, "Robert Alonso Production", which operated until he left his adopted country in 2004.[1]

The Alonso Family in Venezuela 1962 - Ricardo Jr, Maria Conchita, Conchita, Ricardo Sr. Robert

Activism[edit]

While living in West Berlin, Robert Alonso was recruited by an anti-Castro organization called "La Guerra por Los Caminos del Mundo", ("The War Through the Roads of The World"), actively participating in various countries of the world, such as Afghanistan, Cambodia, Vietnam, Angola, Grenada, Chile, Nicaragua, among others.[8][3][14]  When the Cold War was over, he moved with his family to a farm near Caracas  called "Finca Daktari" (Daktari Ranch).[1]  When Hugo Chávez took power he became active once again. In 2004 he was forced to exile in the United States, where he kept on fighting for the liberation of Cuba and Venezuela. Chavez' government accused Alonso of being a member of the CIA, although when The Miami New Times called to corroborate those allegations, CIA spokesman George Little. responded: "We do not, as a rule, comment on those kinds of allegations."[1]

While in Venezuela he was a member of "Bloque Democratico", a right-wing organization. In 2007, together with Commander Marlon Gutierrez, leader of the Nicaraguan Contras in exile, created the Inter-American Foundation for Democracy. In 2010 Alonso founded in Miami the National Resistance Movement of Venezuela.[15]

Commissioner Elections[edit]

In 1995 Robert Alonso ran as an independent candidate for commissioner of the Municipality of El Hatillo.  The bets gave him the winner, however - as he himself accepted - he came in second place in a manual and duly supervised election.  However, the then Supreme Electoral College granted him only three votes.[16][17]

Cubana de Aviación Flight 455[edit]

On October 6 (1976), a Cubana de Aviación DC-8 plunged into the sea in international waters off the coast of Barbados.  It was initially thought that the accident was due to human error, but it was soon discovered that it was due to a terrorist attack.  Alonso was assigned to investigate the accident, which took him to Angola, Great Britain, Barbados and several Caribbean islands.[18]

La Guarimba[edit]

Genesis[edit]

The word guarimba means refuge, in one of the dialects Venezuelans inherited from the Caribs. Guarimba is the name of a famous children's street game, especially in times when there were no Internet or electronic games. Two large circles (two large guarimbas) were drawn - with a piece of coal or a chalk - on the pavement of the streets. Between each circle there were about 15 meters. All but one of the boys got into one of those circles and the game consisted of running between the two guarimbas without being touched by the one outside the circles, hunting those who ran from one shelter to another: from one guarimba to the other.[8][1]

In the time of dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, the civic resistance designed a method of subversion where churches were used as shelters, as guarimbas. They operated against the dictatorship and then ran to the safety of the churches: their guarimbas. This strategy of using the churches as a refuge was then called "La Guarimba". At that time there were no streets barricades. The idea was to do acts of sabotage near the churches and then run to them, where they took refuge before they were "touched" by the henchmen of General Perez Jimenez' regime. That way they "played" La Guarimba.[8][1]

Following the "Massacre of April 11" (also called "The Miraflores Massacre", which occurred on April 11, 2002, where more than 20 Venezuelans were massacred and hundreds were wounded by bullets), Alonso's group realized that they could not move towards a target, no matter how many they were. They saw how in a matter of seconds, nearly a million opponents marching towards the vicinity of the Miraflores Palace, were dispersed by a handful of snipers who to this day nobody knows where they came from and from where they fired.[8][1]

It was then that Alonso turned to that concept of refuge he learnt through "La Guarimba" against Marcos Perez Jimenez. So he designed a strategy where the fundamental element of protection was the homes of his guarimberos, how they called Alonso's followers; that is: their guarimba. The word guarimba doesn't mean barricade, violence or confrontation. Guarimba means refuge, even though the term has been demonized a billion times by those against the strategy.[8][1] th The first Guarimba, between February and March 2004, generated much criticism from opponents of the Chávez government.  Many establishments such as banks, supermarkets, schools, hospitals, gas stations, etc., remained closed for several weeks.  Large numbers of injured were unable to reach the health care facilities.  Chávez' government had not yet lost as much popularity as it did later.  By 2014, ten years after the first Guarimba, the political, economic and social situation had changed dramatically.[1][8]

Alonso, who promoted the strategy through more than two million emails, claimed that La Guarimba was non-violent, however, it is estimated that there were several hundred dead, twice as many injured and thousands arrested. The government held Alonso responsible for the material and human damages caused by the uprising, and issued him with an arrest warrant. Many of the victims' relatives accused Alonso of fomenting the insurrection. As a result, Alonso was forced to clandestinely.[1][8] Alonso came to his defense by accepting a telephone interview with journalist Oscar Medina of El Universal newspaper, claiming that this was not "La Guarimba."  The deaths, the maimed and the arrested occurred, according to Alonso, because the "guarimberos" did not observe the sacred rules of the strategy.[19]

Strategy[edit]

The Guarimba had two main objectives: to paralyze much of the national territory and to defend the neighbors from the "colectivos'" attacks. By paralyzing much of the national territory, according to Alonso, the guarimberos could control important cities and even block processes related to the oil industry. During the two weeks of the first Guarimba, many employees of the crude oil refineries were unable to attend their jobs. Gasoline supplies were paralyzed and PDVSA was even unable to meet many crude export commitments. The international insurance companies almost considered unsafe all Venezuelan ports. A widespread insurrection throughout the country would affect the interests of many multinational corporations and that is when - according to Alonso - the international community would begin to pay attention to the real opposition to the Chávez government inside Venezuela.[1][8]

Faced with such widespread chaos, Alonso counted on the possibility of a military implosion, similar to the one that deposed dictator Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines.[20]

Gene Sharp[edit]

Dr. Gene Sharp became Alonso's "personal savior" and his strategic mentor.[1] Dr. Gene Sharp's Albert Einstein Institution, and Popovic and Djinovic's CANVAS had up to this point enjoyed minimal public scrutiny. But things started going sideways when, in 2007, Venezuelan-American attorney and dogged reporter Eva Golinger published Bush v. Chavez: Washington's War on Venezuela. She wrote: "The Albert Einstein Institute's role in training anti-Chavez activist <guarimbas> like far-right opposition leader Robert Alonso—who would get busted for aiding a plot to assassinate Chavez.  The accusations began snowballing. Chavez himself got on Venezuelan television and accused Sharp of <stirring unrest.>The Asia Times called Sharp the <concert-master> of the failed Saffron Revolution in Burma, where Sharp and the Albert Einstein Institute had been providing trainings to opposition groups since the late 1980s.  Ahmadinejad's Ministry of Propaganda made a caricaturist video of George Soros, Gene Sharp, and John McCain conspiring against Iran in the White House.  In multiple countries, activists accused of studying Sharp were sent to jail."[21]

Sharp's military advisor was a colonel named Robert Helvey, retired from the US Army, who was sent to Venezuela to instruct Robert Alonso's guarimberos.  Helvey had studied at the Superior Schools of Staff and the US Navy. He was an expert in asymmetric warfare.  His supposedly non-violent strategy was also called the "Soft Coup".  In one of the many essays published by Alonso, he claimed to be proud to be advised by Sharp and Colonel Helvey, however, when Sharp was asked about his relations with Alonso, he agreed to have talked to the ideologue of La Guarimba, but that he did not know the Venezuelan strategy in depth.[21][1]

In 2000 Sharp advised the young leaders of Otpor whom, on his instructions, succeeded in deposing Milosevic in eleven months,[22] which NATO could not achieve in months of bombing, at the cost of thousands of innocent lives.[23] In 2007, Hugo Chávez went on national television and explained Sharp's "soft coup" strategy, warning the opposition that his government was prepared to confront it.[24]

Alonso based much of his strategy on Dr. Sharp's famous essay, "From Dictatorship to Democracy."  Inspired by Sharp's essay, "The Manifesto of Liberation" written and published by Alonso, was born.[25] Sharp warned in his essay that the international community would not help any country subjugated by a dictatorship unless two scenarios occurred. The first scenario: that the civil insurrection was affecting the interests of the region.  The second: that the outside world considered that internal insurrection would prevail in a short or medium term. Both scenarios were Alonso's primary objectives through his strategy.[8]

2004 protests[edit]

Venezuela's 1999 constitution provides for a midterm recall referendum for any elected official, including the president of Venezuela, assuming a specific number of signatures were obtained.[26] It was time to request the presidential recall referendum and the required signatures were obtained, but Chavez refused to participate in the referendum, claiming that many of the signatures were false or had been tampered with.[27] Alonso understood that the time had come to summon La Guarimba. On February 24, 2004, he was invited to Globovisión and explained how east Berliners managed to revolt and tear down the Berlin Wall.  He was not allowed to mention La Guarimba or the political crisis that Venezuela was going through, but millions of Venezuela got the message.[28] La Guarimba occurred three days later, on February 27 at 6 pm.[1][8]

Since it was the first time a similar strategy had been implemented in Venezuela, much of the middle class felt deeply affected, generating a great division among Chavez's own opponents.  Neighborhood residents felt like prisoners within their own sector.  It became difficult to get food.  At least 10 cities joined La Guarimba, and the government began to exert pressure.  There were deaths, maimed and many arrested.  Little by little the morale of the guarimberos was diminishing. But the government felt the heat and considered a negotiation with the main opposition parties to be appropriate. Chavez feared losing governability.  Some senior military officials began to recommend Chavez to accept the terms of the recall referendum, a prime excuse for the uprising.[8] On March 7, on radio and television from coast to coast, one of the representatives of the Coordinadora Democratica, which brought together the largest opposition parties, Pompeyo Marquez, announced that the government had agreed to sit down at the negotiating table to discuss the terms of the recall referendum, which took place on August 15, 2004.[8] La Guarimba had been neutralized, however, thanks to it Chavez had no choice but to agree to measure himself in the recall referendum.[8]

Chavez was announced as the winner,[29] but the opposition objected the official results, on the grounds that a "Mega Fraud" had occurred.[30] When the U.S. government recognized Chávez's victory, the opposition gave up.  It would take 10 years for the second Guarimba to emerge.[31]

2014 protests[edit]

In 2009 Alonso attempted a second Guarimba in Venezuela. The students of the Metropolitan University of Caracas revolted.  In January of that year, Hugo Chávez, in a speech broadcast on radio and television from coast to coast, warned his entire government train, including the heads of the armed forces, ministers, his attorney general and the directors of the national security forces, that he would defenestrate them all if they allowed a second Guarimba to take hold in Venezuela.  In his speech, Chavez admitted that from four "escualidos" (meaning "scums", his derogatory way of qualifying the opposition), the country could be shaken up.  In La Guarimba 2004, he understood how easy it could be for the opposition to seize the national territory and control it, so Chavez thought that he could not afford a second uprising: this time with greater support at national level.[32]

Argentina's then-president, Cristina Kichner, visited Venezuela in January 2009.  Chavez's obsession with La Guarimba was so much that in a live broadcast on radio and television, when the Argentine asked him what "La Guarimba" was, Chavez explained it to her in great detail.[33]

In February 2014, Alonso appealed to his followers from Miami reminding them how to implement La Guarimba.  That video, at the time, broke record for visits with more than 270,000 hits.  Two months later he was interviewed by Fernando del Rincon on CNN, an opportunity he took to keep his strategy alive on the streets of many cities in Venezuela.[34]

With Chavez dead, Nicolás Maduro became president of Venezuela.  The political, economic and social situation in the country was dramatically unsustainable.  According to Alonso, the objective conditions were given to uplift the majority of the Venezuelan people into a second Guarimba. At that time, the grassroots opposition was better organized.  Millions of "resistance cells"[35] had been created across Venezuela.

Alonso succeeded in establishing the concept of "shared leadership," where each Venezuelan became a leader of the resistance, creating - each one - five-member cells that multiplied exponentially throughout Venezuela. Instead of seeking support from the traditional opposition parties, Alonso concentrated on recruiting university leaders who had been elected by their peers.

La Guarimba began on February 12, 2014, at the University of San Cristóbal, in the State of Tachira, bordering Colombia.[36] Now "the great guarimba" - the "great refuge" - would be the sister republic of Colombian. As soon as La Guarimba broke out, Nicolás Maduro sent General Miguel Rodríguez Torres, who by then was the Minister of the Popular Power for Interior, Justice and Peace, to Táchira. After flying over the city of San Cristobal, he called a national press conference in which he described what he had observed from his helicopter. He recounted how almost all interceptions were blocked with barricades and, most importantly; there was no one on the streets.  The guarimberos were observing the rules of La Guarimba to perfection.[37]

Very soon La Guarimba spread throughout the national territory.  On this occasion Alonso advised to block the roads where the armored units would travel, especially the French AMX30 tanks. That time the repression of the governmental forces increased and the government quintupled the battalions of "colectivos", which did a lot of damage.[38] The violence on the part of the government was confronted by the violence of the guarimberos and from then on La Guarimba began to lose effectiveness.  Alonso came to think that many of those who confronted were infiltrating government agents.

Parallel to The Venezuelan Guarimba, there was the uprising of young Ukrainians.  One of them, Dymitro Potekhin, leader of the rebels in Ukraine, declared in Miami that when they learned about La Guarimba, they began to apply it, since they were defending their barricades. As soon as they began running to their guarimbas, they achieved victory.[39] Incredibly, according to Alonso, while the Ukrainians copied the Venezuelans, the Venezuelans began to copy the bad practices of the Ukrainians.

In June 2014, Nicolas Maduro appeared on television and radio, from coast to coast, accusing Robert Alonso and his sister, Maria Conchita, of sabotaging dialogue with the opposition by financing La Guarimba from the United States.[40] In 2014, Jorge Rodríguez accused Alonso of planning the assassination of Hugo Chávez. By the way, Rodriguez, who is a psychiatrist, Alonso borders between sanity and psychosis.[41] On the other hand, General Angel Vivas stated that the word "guarimba" is not even in the dictionary of the Royal Academy of the Spanish Language (RAE).[42] In 2013, General Miguel Rodríguez Torres, then the Interior Minister, accused Alonso of advising students who months later would rise up in the city of San Cristóbal, in the state of Táchira in Venezuela.[43]

Then, the government decided to negotiate peace with the university student leaders and sent General Miguel Rodríguez Torres to promise them "five to one" if they stop La Guarimba.[44] The students were joined by the leaders of the opposition political parties and between the two groups they managed to neutralized La Guarimba that had been cornering the government of Nicolás Maduro for several months. Some of the student leaders, the most important ones, ended up as deputies in the Venezuelan National Assembly, equivalent to the American Federal Congress. To the misfortune of General Rodríguez Torres, years later - in 2018 - he tried to defenestrate President Maduro and ended up in prison, where he is today.[45][46][47][48]

In 2014, the Venezuelan government again requested an arrest warrant for Alonso.[49]

Zello[edit]

For La Guarimba of 2014, guarimberos had an interesting and important application called Zello.  It was basically a CB radio that worked over the Internet using smartphones. Initially each Zello channel was limited to a certain number of users. To favor the guarimberos, Zello expanded the capacity of users and opened more than 100 channels for them.  It was a very useful tool.[50]

"El Carrazo"[edit]

During the Venezuelan uprising of 2014, Alonso uploaded to social networks a video that he called "El Carrazo" with more than 200 thousand hits: a true record for a country like Venezuela.  He suggested that Venezuelans should use their vehicles to paralyze the country.[51]

To prove that "El Carrazo" was effective, he published another video about the uprising in Serbia.[52]  His call had no success whatsoever.  He also tried to introduce La Guarimba in Cuba: and failed.[53]

2017 protests[edit]

By 2017, the morale of the vast majority of Venezuelans was at the lowest level. This time the guarimberos were those who were not old enough to revolt in 2014.  They set about the task of confronting, forgetting one of the three golden rules of La Guarimba.[8][15][25]

Daktari Ranch Affair[edit]

Daktari Ranch[edit]

In February 1989, in the middle of "El Caracazo", Robert Alonso and his family moved to the Daktari Ranch with their two eldest children.  Years later their two youngest children would be born. Alonso was semi-retired and dedicated himself to the breeding of Colombian Paso Fino horses and built a laboratory for the extraction and cryogenization[54] of equine semen.  The Cold War was coming to an end. The family lived a peaceful life for a period of twelve years, until Chavez came to power. After the Daktari Ranch Affair, May 2004, the ranch was turned to dust and debris.  It was the site of "The Daktari Massacre".[55]

Daktari Ranch before its destruction

Colombian Paramilitaries[edit]

The news broke record on May 9, 2004, when Hugo Chávez' government took over the Alonso's home – Daktari Ranch – where Alonso, supposedly, was training 150 Colombians paramilitaries-mercenaries with the mission to overthrow Chavez from power. Eva Goling wrote: "I believe there was a very strong possibility that President Chavez was assassinated. There were notorious and documented assassination attempts against him throughout his presidency. Most notable was the April 11, 2002 coup d'état, during which he was kidnapped and set to be assassinated had it not been for the unprecedented uprising of the Venezuelan people and loyal military forces that rescued him and returned him to power within 48 hours. I was able to find irrefutable evidence using the US Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), that the CIA and other US agencies were behind that coup and supported, financially, militarily and politically, those involved. Later on, there were other attempts against Chavez and his government, such as in 2004 when dozens of Colombian paramilitary forces were captured on a farm outside of Caracas that was owned by an anti-Chavez activist, Robert Alonso, just days before they were going to attack the presidential palace and kill Chavez".[56]

Immediately Chavez went on national television from his Sunday show - "Alo Presidente" - and accused Alonso of training a Colombian mercenaries force to defenestrate him and assassinate him.[57] Later, some intelligence reports claimed that Alonso has managed to build a mercenary army of more than three thousand fighters, mainly from Colombia and South Africa. Gene Sharp, claimed to receive funding from the U.S. government, was linked to the plot.[58] Another associated to Alonso was Venezuelan billionaire Gustavo Cisneros.[59]

When the alleged Colombian paramilitaries were captured in Daktari Ranch, Alonso had been sheltering for more than a month at his relatives' home in Miami.  Interviewed by Colombia's Cadena Caracol about the events at his ranch in El Hatillo, he replied that he did not know about it and said: "It was probably a payback for my tactics".[60] The Venezuelan police searched former president Carlos Andres Perez's estate – "La Ahumada" – located near Alonso's ranch, were the Colombian paramilitaries were located, to find prove of his link with the plot to assassinate President Chavez. Pérez told the Colombian radio station Caracol: "I believe the capture of the Colombians in Alonso's ranch, was a set-up by President Chavez." However, Francisco Ameliach, president of the National Assembly, showed a video of confessions by some of the Colombian paramilitaries captured in Daktari Ranch, who said they were moved from Alonso's ranch to another property where they were ready to assault an army base in a few days.[61]

Colombian paramilitaries captured - Daktari Ranch 2004

The Plot[edit]

At least six different versions were published in the media, based on different statements by Chávez government officials. The version with the greatest force had to do with the recruitment of a contingent of Colombian veterans belonging to the AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia), hired by Alonso to be trained at his ranch and carry out a paramilitary operation in order to defenestrate President Chávez. There was talk of a mercenary army of up to three thousand paramilitaries operating in Norte de Santander, Colombia.  The mission was to seize an F-16 American fighting aircraft and bomb La Casona (the Venezuelan president's home), Fort Tiuna and the Miraflores Palace.  The group of about 130 Colombians captured in Daktari Ranch had the mission of attacking a Venezuelan army weapons depot. The plan included capturing one of the F16's the government had at Palo Negro airbase, an hour's road from Daktari Ranch.[62][8]

Chavez denounced the participation of "Don Berna" - Diego Fernando Murillo -, as well as Jorge Noguera, according to him, one of the leaders of the plan. Chavez reported that Alonso was a victim of Operation Pedro Pan. Rafael Garcia, the DAS' former director of information technology, implicated President Alvaro Uribe in the conspiracy against Venezuela and claimed that the "Daktari Plan" included the physical eliminations of Hugo Chávez, Jose Vicente Rangel (then-vice president of Venezuela), and, among others, Attorney General Isaias Rodriguez.[63]

According to Rafael García and Hugo Chávez, Alonso's sister, María Conchita, was involved in the assassination plan.[63][64][65]

Hugo Chávez assumed that the Colombian government participated in the "Daktari Plan" to assassinate him.  According to Chávez, when he sent evidence to President Uribe, he did not consider it, so he chose not to continue reporting them.  According to Chavez, the information he sent to the Colombian president was used to cover up for those involved.[66]

The Capture[edit]

The first group of alleged Colombian paramilitaries was transferred by a contracted bus to the vicinity of the Palo Negro air base.  The bus owner refused to continue transporting the alleged soldiers, disguised in Venezuelan army uniforms, forcing Alonso to hire a bus operating in the town of Baruta, near his ranch. It was already in the early hours of May 9, 2004.  The owner of the bus was drinking alcohol with his girlfriend, who was abruptly taken out of the vehicle.  This lady was suspicious of the alleged military group and alerted the nearest Metropolitan Police module.  The bus was intercepted on its way to Palo Negro air base and the alleged mercenaries were arrested.  Minutes later, government military forces raided Daktari Ranch and arrested several dozen of Colombian citizens, some already in military uniforms and others in civilian clothes. Immediately all hells were unleashed.  The army, the National Guard, and the various military and civilian intelligence departments were present in Daktari Ranch, but Alonso was not captured because he had allegedly arrived in Miami in mid-April, having escaped from Venezuela through the Colombian jungle.[8][67][61]

The announcement created great confusion, since Chavez insisted that no shots had been fired.  However, one neighbor assured that one or more Colombian mercenaries were gunned down.  Many didn't believe that only one pistol, military uniforms and a box of croissants were found during the Daktari Ranch raid. It was said that all but one of Alonso's employees were killed and buried in his garden, including two of Alonso foster sons, ages 12 and 10, who were supposedly slit with sharp machetes.[68][8]

The Trail[edit]

In the end, there were 130 defendants (including Colombians and five Venezuelan officers), which constituted the largest trial in the judicial history of Venezuela and perhaps in Hispanic America.  In 2012, the military prosecutor of the trial, General Eladio Aponte Aponte,[69] fled to Costa Rica where he was interviewed by the local press.  He said that President Chavez had put direct pressure on him in order to achieve a favorable end for his government in the case of the alleged Colombian paramilitaries.[70]

The Extradition[edit]

For a while, Alonso's whereabout was then unknown. The Venezuelan government  believed that he was hiding in Miami. Bernardo Alvarez, then the Venezuelan Ambassador in Washington said: "once it is confirmed Alonso is in the United States, Venezuela will begin extradition proceedings".  However, he was never extradited. Alvarez said a warrant for Alonso's arrest, issued by a military prosecutor, was pending in Venezuela.[71] Alonso's attorney, Kendall Coffey, then ex U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida, advised him to go as far away from the city of Miami as he could.  Alonso, his wife and their two minor children took refuge near the Washington state city of Spokane until his lawyer assured him that he could safely return home and avoid extradition.[72] The then-governor of Tachira, José Vielma Mora, declared that Alonso should be tried by the International Criminal Court for his attempt to assassinate then-President Chávez.

Exile[edit]

The Escape[edit]

After La Guarimba in 2004, Alonso was forced to live a clandestine life. Leaving Daktari in April (2004), Alonso said, he lived in friends' homes or slept in public squares or in buses.  He managed to cross into Colombia on April 27. Later he traveled to the United States. He crossed the Colombian jungle with the help of a GPS and several contacts he managed to get with one of his former employees.  He crossed dangerous territories of emerald traffickers, but managed to reach Bogota where he took a flight to Miami. He managed to mislead the Venezuelan authorities into believing that he was in Spain.  In Miami he took refuge, first, at the home of a former partner.  He avoided going out during the day and only did so at night, until his whereabouts were discovered.[1][8]

A New Life[edit]

In his new exile in Miami, Alonso drove an ambulance,[citation needed] was a taxi driver and drove a 16-wheelers,[73] with which he toured much of the U.S. territory and several provinces of Canada. He was eventually appointed editor of the Venezuelan newspaper in Miami, "Venezuela Sin Mordaza" and founded the magazine "Venezuela".  His wife got a job as a secretary at UBS.[1] In June 2010, his daughter, María Carolina, was kidnapped for a few hours by DISIP members to intimidate her father and prevent him from continuing to promote subversions in Venezuela from his exile in Miami. The next day her daughter, six months pregnant, managed to arrive with her 5-year-old son in the United States, where she was received by her parents.[74][75]

Scandal in Doral City[edit]

Alonso Vs. Luigi Boria[edit]

In April 2014, Alonso was the subject of a major scandal in the mayor's office of Doral.  In early March (2014), the students of San Cristobal contacted him to warn Alonso that they were fed up and that they would give an ultimatum to the "Bolivarian Armed Force" to stand next to Venezuela to defect from its position of defense of the government of Nicolas Maduro.[76]

In that ultimatum it was assured that the students were willing to fight hand-to-hand in the streets of Tachira, if the Venezuelan officials, pro-government, did not step forward. Alonso advised them to desist from such absurdity and promised to spread the message of the student leaders through the media in Miami, with the intention of attracting attention which he said, it was the only thing he could do for them at the "media level", to – when the time came – minimize the killing.[76] Instead of confronting, Alonso advised the students to keep their barricades without confronting the agents of repression.  Still, hundreds were killed and thousands maimed, not counting arrests.[77]

The mayor of the city of Doral at that time was a Venezuelan named Luigi Boria, who received Alonso, offering the mayor's office to hold the press conference that the Cuban-Venezuelan activist had hired with an important public relations company.[76]

Alonso asked then-Mayor Boria to help him promote the ultimatum of the Venezuelan students, on the understanding that the more it was disclosed, the less brutal repression could be that was about to take place if the officers did not take that step forward that the Venezuelan students were demanding.  Alonso thought that, at least, more deaths of young people could be avoided in the Venezuela of those days.[76]

According to Alonso, then-Mayor Boria was more than a recipient of the idea and did everything relevant for the press conference to take place in the majestic and stately "Session Room of the City of Doral".   It was agreed that at the event would speak – in addition to Boria – the councilors and the administrator of the city of Doral. The "master of ceremony" would be Roger Vivas, "La Voz de la Poderosa", a very popular radio station in Miami (670 AM).[76]

The event, according to Alonso, started badly, very badly.  The media had attended the call, but the then-Mayor Luigi Boria, acting – in addition – as "master of ceremony", began to speak immediately, without giving the introductory word to Roger Vivas... exiled in Miami since 2004, who was a deputy in Mérida and owner of great credibility in the Spanish-speaking media of Miami.[76]

Boria talked about everything but the ultimatum. He talked about the economy, about the crime figures in Venezuela of his achievements as mayor of Doral: but not a word in defense of the integrity of the Venezuelan students![76]

The press conference ended in a political advocacy event.  When the last of the participants finished speaking, Boria took the microphone and ended the press conference.   Alonso, outraged, raised... and without a microphone he shouted, "Just a moment! I paid for this press conference... which gives me the right to address all of you before you turn off the cameras!"[76]

Boria left the compound and Roger Vivas read the ultimatum.  At the end began the violent confrontation between Alonso's group and a group of Venezuelans that Boria had called for the press conference

The scandal, which was covered by the media, surpassed the news of the Venezuelan students' ultimatum.[76][78]

Several days later, Alonso lashed out at then-Mayor Boria, accusing him of being a token of the Maduro government and published a document that – according to Alonso – proved the commercial ties between Boria and the Venezuelan government.[79]

Alonso and The Media[edit]

Alonso has earned a reputation for denouncing or antagonizing many opposition politicians. Since 2003 he began to warn that to depose the Chávez dictatorship, Venezuelans first had to free themselves from the false opposition.[80][81]  He recalled the words of the Polish-Soviet, Felix Dzerzhinsky, who recommended to Lenin: "We must organize our own opposition before the real one organizes against us."[82][83][3][84][85][86][87]

In 2000, he denounced Hugo Chávez' opposition candidate, Francisco Arias Cárdenas, as a puppet of his opponent.  In 2006, he alerted Venezuelans who read and listened to him about the agreements between Chávez and then-opposition candidate Manuel Rosales.[88][89]

Alonso denounced Cuban military infiltration in Venezuela.[90] According to him, a Castroist tyranny rules in Venezuela, where no form of true opposition is allowed.[3] Alonso argues that Venezuela's regime, like the one in Cuba and Nicaragua, has not failed, since their only goal is to remain in power forever.[3] Alonso does not believe in any opposition leadership inside or outside Venezuela.  He promotes "collective leadership."  In this regard, he argues: "Collective leaderships do not arise, they conform over time.  It is not a spontaneous process.  It is formed through a gradual educational process.   The way to create this leadership is through the so-called resistance cells".[3][91] Alonso does not consider himself a pacifist activist.  On the difference between pacifism and nonviolence, he has recited on many occasions: "I must clarify that pacifism is a way of life.  The non-violence is a strategy of struggle.  Our struggle is not peaceful: it's non-violent!"[3]

When all opposition parties relied on Article 350 of the new Venezuelan constitution,[92] Alonso warned that while that article justified an uprising against an oppressive regime in Venezuela, it was an article taken from a constitution that Alonso and his group did not approve of.[3] Alonso accused the deputies of the National Assembly (the Congress of Venezuela) of not being diligent in defending the interests of the majority of the Venezuelan people.  That caused him a lot of rejection within the opposition spectrum of his country.[3] Furthermore, Alonso concluded: "Each and every one of "our" deputies in the so-called "National Assembly", are part of what is known as the FALSE OPPOSITION, consequently, they are part of the regime: an IMPORTANT part of the regime.  Sin by omission is as serious as sinning by action or, perhaps, worse.  Venezuelans learned of all these laws, when they are already published in the Official Gazette."[3] Of course, with his radical postulates, Alonso was so breaking all his ties with Venezuela's opposition parties. When asked what was his vision of an ideal democratic system, Alonso replied: "My vision, more than democratic, is republican.[3]

In 2012, Alonso lashed out at Colombia's then-president, Juan Manuel Santos, accusing him of having been trained in Cuba by Fidel Castro's regime.[93]

In 2018, Alonso lashed out at all Venezuelan journalists and opposition leaders for failing to pressure any president, from Bill Clinton to Donald Trump, to implement Title III of the Helms Burton Act.[94][95] However, on April 17, 2019, the Trump Administration announced several decisions that mark a significant shift in US policy toward Cuba, most notably by declaring that the United States will no longer suspend Title III of the Libertad Act of 1996, which is also known as the Helms-Burton Act.[96] However, even though the Trump administration released Title III of the aforementioned law, in practice it came to nothing.  The Cuban regime moved its keys[97] and for some reason, the only section of the Helms-Burton act that could make a dent in the Cuban government, Title III, has not been properly implemented, prompting Alonso to criticize what he called "the microphone politic." 

Expelled by the US Counterterrorism Police[edit]

Alonso Vs. Juan Guaido[edit]

In February 2020, interim President Juan Guaidó gave a lecture at a well-known Miami hotel.  Alonso showed up at the event to accuse him of being a phony and a piece of Maduro's government.  From the early hours of the morning he dedicated himself to handing out flyers denouncing Guaidó and his close associates of deceiving the Venezuelan people. This caused the counterterrorism police to expel him from the event, even before it began. Alonso was harshly criticized by the vast majority of those attending the event.[98][99] [100] To Alonso's great surprise, who was allowed to attend Guaidó's event was Delfin Fernandez (AKA "Agent Otto") who for 15 years was Castro's counterintelligence agent and very close to Fidel and Raul.[14]

Alonso harshly criticized Juan Guaidó when in February 2020 he made an official visit to Canada in which he assured that Venezuela's freedom passed through communist Cuba, wishing that the Castro government be part of the solution of the political, economic and social problem that Venezuela is going through.[14]

S1867 Law[edit]

From January 2012, Alonso became very active denouncing senatorial law S1867, which later became part of Section 1021 and 1022 of  "Public Law 112-81" (National Defense Authorization Act - NDAA). It is a law that empowers the president of the US to order the capture, and even physically elimination (inside or outside the USA), of anyone whom the president suspects to be a terrorist, for which it is not necessary to be formally be charged, violating the due process, nor does it contemplate the right to be tried in a court of law.[101]

Alonso compared S1867 to the "Social Dangerousness Law" enacted in Cuba, which aims to punish a crime before it is committed.[102][103]

Fabianism[edit]

In 2012, Alonso began to alert his readers and followers to the danger posed to Venezuela and the world by the "Fabian Society" and Fabianism.[104]  That same year he published a book in English entitled "Why we are about to lose The United States of America to the claws of Fabianism".[83]

Smartmatic[edit]

In 2006, Alonso blew the whistler about Smartmatic in American elections,[105] and continued his alerts about the Venezuelan company until 2012, when he denounced a yellow button on Smartmatic's electronic machines, through which voters could vote repeatedly.[106] Since electronic machines were used in Venezuela in 2004, Alonso began to warn about the easy way to commit fraud.[107] According to him, both elections in the US and in Venezuela are fraudulent.  In 2012 he voted in Coral Gables and discovered that he was registered twice to vote.[108]

But Alonso doesn't just talk about electoral fraud.  He has denounced the "electoral compromises", in which the parties agree on a false result.  According to him, this is what happened in 2004 in what he calls "The Bush Vs. Kerry Electoral Farce."[109]

The Script[edit]

The narratives about Alonso's clandestine life could serve as a script for an espionage novel.  The famous French novelist, Gérard de Villiers, creator of the "French Jame Bond", published a novel in 2006 inspired by the events of the Daktari Ranch Affair: "Let the Beast Die".  The beast, of course, represented Hugo Chávez.[1][110] In 2006, TV Japan went to Miami to interview Alonso. With the material collected a documentary was produced called "A Revolution in Danger".  The danger, precisely (according to TV Japan), was Robert Alonso.[111]

Gérard de Villiers' - "Let The Beast Die"

Sean Penn's Affair[edit]

Maria Conchita Alonso, Robert Alonso's sister, had a scandalous altercation with her former co-star actor in a Hollywood movie in 1988 ("Colors"), Sean Penn, at the Los Angeles airport, where the two met by chance. When interviewed about the altercation, Alonso's sister said about Penn: "He's an amazing actor. I can't take that away from him, It's just that he has no clue at all what's going on in Venezuela. He's been praising Hugo Chávez, who is a dictator and a killer. He should shut up about what he doesn't know." Maria Conchita Alonso, who grew up in Venezuela with her Cuban family, born in 1955, was upset by Penn's article in The Nation Magazine about Venezuela and the charismatic but brutal left-wing dictator Hugo Chávez. For the first time a Hollywood actress had the courage to say what many Americans think. "Left-wing lovers in the movie business should wake up to the real nature of their hero. For one thing, Mr. Chavez throughout his career has criticized Hollywood as a medium of American cultural imperialism", concluded the Cuban-Venezuelan-American and Hollywood actress. Penn, who after winning an Oscar for his participation in "Milk" became a spokesman for gay rights, must remember that Chavez's hero, Fidel Castro, sent many gays to prison and went so far as to declare that there were no homosexuals in Cuba. Actress Maria Conchita said that Penn accused her brother Robert of attempting to assassinate Chavez, something that Alonso's sister said is not true.  Penn called her a "pig" and she in turn accused him of being a "communist and an asshole".[112]

Robert Alonso Vs. Donald Trump[edit]

Alonso Vs. Trump[edit]

On July 18, 2020, Robert Alonso wrote President Donald Trump a public letter (which was delivered to him by hand by a mutual friend), claiming his support to the Venezuelan socialists.  The letter was copied to many important personalities related to him and was read by more than two and a half million people.[113]

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